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The Horribly Misconceived, Deceitful Overture on the Iraq War Passed By The 218th General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church USA

The 218th General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church USA recently concluded, having passed several Overtures that have caused more than just concern in traditionalist congregations because of, among other things, changes to ordination standards. Worse to me, as an Elder of the Central Presbyterian Church of Huntington, Long Island and as a father who has two sons in the military (one who has served in Iraq for 15 months as an infantry platoon leader), is the Overture that was passed as to the Iraq War. The Overture contains some language praising our troops, but that language is only window dressing, so as not to appear to be hostile to our troops, for the essence of the Overture that is hard core left wing politics -- a left wing politics that is caught in a time warp of opposition to the Vietnam War, that is a stupid slap in the face of our troops and that is not Christianity and not Presbyterianism. I condemn in the harshest way the 218th General Assembly for this horribly misconceived, deceitful Overture.

1. The Overture commends those "peacemakers" who have acted nonviolently to bring an end to violence in Iraq. That is irrationally delusional if taken seriously. The "nonviolent" Christian Peace Witness has accomplished nothing but make a nuisance of themselves. The recent drop in violence in Iraq has occurred because we increased our troop levels (the surge) to bring greater security in Iraq at a time that (i) the Iraqis turned against the radical Islamists because of the violence committed by those radicals against innocent Iraqis and (ii) the democratically elected Iraqi government has been taking hold. It has been our strong men and women of war acting on the side of the angels who have brought about a better Iraq. Commending our troops for their service and sacrifice is not good enough; it is they who have acted effectively for the good in Iraq, not the peaceniks. I suggest to everyone to read Michael Yon’s Moment of Truth In Iraq. To commend the peaceniks who have done nothing and not to commend our troops for what they have done to bring about a better Iraq is a slap in the face of our troops.

2. The Overture first praises the American troops for their sacrifice and then calls for an end to the "occupation." We are not occupiers. We first removed a murderous tyrant in Saddam, who was a state sponsor of terrorists, who had thumbed his nose at the international community when violating 17 U.N. arms resolutions, who had and used WMDs against the Kurds (nerve gas) and who intended to get WMDs (the Oil-for-Food corruption at the U.N. was aimed at lifting sanctions for that purpose). An article "Why We Went To War in Iraq" by Douglas J. Feith, the Under Secretary of Defense from 2001 to 2005, published in the Wall Street Journal (July 3, 2008), is a well written review of what we have forgotten that made the Iraq War a "necessary" war. Had we not removed Saddam, the world would be in avery dangerous state. Thereafter, the Iraq War became what Osama bin Laden has called the central front in the conflict between the jihadists and the West; it should be remembered that before 9/11, bin Laden declared war on us. During that conflict, to the credit of the Iraqi people, the Iraqis have democratically adopted a written Constitution and have democratically elected their Government. We are in Iraq now at the request of that democratically elected Iraqi government, just like we are in South Korea and Germany; and we are in Iraq to protect the Iraqi people from the violence of the radical jihadists.

3. The Overture calls for recognition of conscientious objection, as if we don't already. This might seem harmless, but it is not. The intent is to make it seem like there is a problem, when there isn't, and to express a pacifism that has certainly not been validated as to the conflict with the radical jihadists.

4. The Overture calls for an international solution. That is unrealistic at best. Where has the U.N. been in all this? It has been virtually worthless. The U.N. took off early on after we removed Saddam and violence levels spiked. When the insurgency began. It has been the American soldier and Marine, along with their Brit compatriots, who have been the effective force against the destructiveness of the radical Islamists and the effective force for an Iraq in which the Iraqi people have democratically adopted their Constitution and have democratically elected their government. The notion that we need to be told to seek a peaceful solution, as if we are the problem and a peaceful solution can be reached if we just be nice and promise to leave is worse than ridiculous; that is playing into the hands of the radical Islamists. What the Iraqis need is security from the radical Islamists. As Michael Yon records, the Iraqis know they can count on the Americans. The U.N.? To the Iraqis, who are they?

5. The Overture calls upon the U.N. to work with the Iraqi government and "neighboring nations" for a solution. That is a stupid slap at our troops. "Neighboring nations" means Iran, whose radical Islamic leader calls for the obliteration of Israel and the removal of American forces from the region. Iran has sent weapons to Iraq for attacks in American and Brit forces. "Neighboring nations" also means Syria, whose leadership has been trying to undermine democratic government in Lebanon and turns its back on the use of radical Islamists who use the Syrian border for entry into Iraq.

6. The Overture calls for the initiation of "a process of truth and reconciliation to promote healing and forgiveness." That is dangerous language. Words mean something; what do these words mean in the concrete circumstances of Iraq? "Truth" about what? Spinning history so that we are the bad guys and the radical Islamists are not? Reconciliation with and forgiveness for whom? Those poor misunderstood radical Islamists who engage in suicide bombings? Right now, the Iraqis want to be protected from the radical Islamists. This part of the Overture smacks of a call for an effort to re-write the narrative so that opposition to the Iraq War is justified and the heroism and sacrifices of our troops can be written off as being for a bad cause.

7. The Overture calls for "restitution." This is disturbing. The United States already pays for damage to homes and the like from military operations. As for the damage done by al Qaeda in Iraq and other insurgent groups, they have never paid anything for the severe damages they have done and never will. So what is it intended by a call for "restitution"?

8. The Overture makes a broad call for prosecution of "war crimes." This is not harmless. Just what "war crimes" are meant? The war crimes committed by radical Islamists who do not wear uniforms and do suicide bombings killing innocent civilians alll against the Geneva Convention? No, the Overture refers instead to torture of prisoners, which means us. We have already prosecuted the perpetrators of Abu Ghraib, which involved humiliation but no physical injury and no loss of life. The CIA agents who used waterboarding on Skeik Kalid Muhammed and a few others did so right after 9/11 in order to prevent another 9/11 with the loss of thousands of innocent lives; another 9/11 has not occurred. In Iraq and elsewhere, our policy and practice is not to use torture: we are a signatory to UNCAT, and we have been following the Army Field Manual. Asking for international investigations of "war crimes" invites the hate America crowd at the U.N. to "investigate" our troops who have acted to protect the Iraqis. The left wingers at the national Church level know this, and it is why I view their words nice words about our troops to be window dressing for an attack on them.

9. The Overture calls for the removal of weapon caches and materials for the making of WMDs, as if we have not been engaged in that removal. The United States is and has been removing weapons caches in Iraq and has taken possession and destroyed materials for the making of WMDs that Saddam had every intention of making. One can ask U.S. Army First Lieutenant John Byler about that.

10. The Overture calls for the "return" of oil resources to the Iraqis. This is deceitful. The Iraqis have been in control of their oil resources, are now negotiating with oil companies for development of Iraqi oil resources and are working on political compromises to split the oil revenues among Sunnis, Shias and Kurds. To say that we should "return" control is a way of saying that the overthrow of Saddam and helping the Iraqi people to adopt democratic government was all about oil, which it was not.

11. The Overture calls for its forwarding to Congress. This is but an invitation for those in Congress who want us not to succeed in Iraq to invoke the moral authority of the Presbyterian Church with what is a horribly misconceived, deceitful document.

I CONDEMN THE 218th GENERAL ASSEMBLY FOR THE ADOPTION OF THIS HORRIBLY MISCONCEIVED, DECEITFUL OVERTURE.

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Christianity and War: Letter to Presybtery Peace Workgroup

In addition to being a lawyer who practices in Manhattan, I am an Elder in a Presbyterian Church on Long Island.  In late March 2007, at a meeting of the Long Island Presbytery, I was one of the "commissioners" for my  local Church to the Presbytery meeting.  At the meeting, the Peace, Justice and Hunger Workgroup offered what what was called a prayer but what considered to be a misconceived political diatribe against the Iraq War.  The Session of my local Church subsequently sent a letter to protest to the Presbtery, and I sent a separate letter expressing my own views.  It was an occasion to consider "just war" theology to which I subscribe and the pacifism which informs others in the Church.  On this Memorial Day Weekend, I think that my letter is worth reading.  On April 9, 2007, I wrote the following:


Dear Members of the Peace, Justice and Hunger Workgroup:   

    I am an Elder and a member of the Session of the Huntington Central Presbyterian Church, and I voted my full approval of the letter being sent to you from Central’s Session, under the signature of Ed Onders (the Session Clerk for Huntington Central), that objects to the “prayer” that was the product of your Workgroup and that was given at the Presbytery meeting on March 27.  At the suggestion of Ed Onders, I am writing separately because at that Presbytery meeting, I was in attendance at the March 27 Presbytery meeting as an Elder Commissioner from Huntington Central and because my older son John, a good Christian, is a First Lieutenant (with Ranger tab) in the U.S. Army honorably serving our country in harm’s way in Iraq as an infantry platoon leader.  My younger son James, also a good Christian, upon graduation from Purdue will be commissioned a Second Lieutenant in the U.S. Marines, having already passed officer training at Quantico.  

    In all candor, I was thoroughly alienated by what you called “A Litany For Peace, Forgiveness and Healing.”  To my reading and hearing, the ”Litany” was an expression of a certain political viewpoint -- a viewpoint that you apparently have, but that many Christians do not share and I find to be terribly mistaken.       

    It angers me that your viewpoint apparently disables you from offering a genuine prayer for the divine protection of our active troops serving in Iraq and Afghanistan in harm’s way.  Such a prayer was missing from your “Litany.”   I don’t think that it should be too much to expect that at a Presbytery meeting, if a prayer is offered with respect to a war in which our military men and women are involved, that there be included a genuine prayer for the protection of active troops serving in harm’s way.  But your “Litany,” in chiding ourselves for a lack of concern for our troops not extending beyond the decals of our SUVs, was not a prayer
for protection of the troops in harm’s way. 

    As a father whose son is serving in Iraq can attest, when you pray for the troops in harm’s way, there is a bottom of the heart plea made to the Almighty that the troops carry out their missions without suffering loss of life or injury.  As an American who in fact drives a Suburban with a “Support The Troops” decal, your gratuitous swipe at the supposed lack of concern for the troops on the part of people who drive SUVs beyond a “Support the Troops” decal is ill considered -- I am not someone you can point to as not having a concern for the troops beyond the decal.  I display the “Support The Troops” decal because I believe that despite the current political situation, our troops should be supported in the good mission in which they are engaged and, as the Presbytery has already seen, I am very visible and vocal in my support.  But more than that, your gratuitous swipe at the supposed lack of concern for the troops on the part of people who drive SUVs with a “Support the Troops” decal is well beside the important point, and that point is that we should be asking for God’s protection for our military men and women.  My older son continually asks for those prayers.  He can cite numerous examples of how he and the men under his command escaped death and serious injury in situations (think IEDs and snipers) where it is not at all clear how they could have so escaped.  What kind of perversity afflicts you that you cannot offer such a prayer of protection?  Do you deny the power of such prayer?  If you do not wish to accept my account from my older son, then I recommend a book by Glenn Thomas entitled God Saw Through Them about the power of prayer in protecting a battalion of U.S. Marines serving in the Iraq War.

    Is it that you look askance at anyone who serves in the military?  That would not be  the position taken by John Calvin, who had quite a bit to do with the establishment of the Presbyterian Church and who was one of the leading just war theologians in Christian Church history.  John Calvin wrote that “[a] Christian man” “be called to serve his prince, doth not offend God in going to the wars, but is in a holy vocation, which cannot be reproved without blaspheming of God” (Short Instructions, 78)?  Also, it may be noted that when Jesus spoke to the Roman centurion who asked for Jesus to heal the centurion’s suffering servant, Jesus did not tell the Roman centurion to go and sin no more, but rather stated how He (Jesus) had not found anyone in Israel with the great faith of the Roman centurion (Matthew 8:5-13).  An early member of the New Testament Church was the Roman centurion Cornelius, a “righteous and God-fearing man” welcomed into the Church by Peter (Acts 10:19-22).  The Old Testament contains accounts of numerous wars fought by the ancient Israelites, according to Scripture, at the direction of God.  (See, e.g., Joshua.) If you knew the American military (which I doubt), you would know how strong Christianity is among front-line troops.  A writer whose book containing (despite a dubious premise) informative detail about the American military abroad saw the influence of Christianity on front-line troops.  R. Kaplan, Imperial Grunts 220, 334, 340, 351, 360.  But what I recommend for your reading is an inspirational volume put together by Oliver North (exec. ed.), A Greater Freedom: Stories of Faith From Operation Iraqi Freedom.    
 
    It also disturbs me that in your “Litany,” you fail to recognize God’s sovereignty and you fail to call for God’s justice to prevail.  In keeping with basic Reformed doctrine, prayer in connection with war and conflict needs to include a recognition of God’s sovereignty and a call for God’s will to be done and for God’s justice to be established. I believe and I thought that Presbyterians believe in a living God acting in human history -- a truth recognized by our greatest Presidents.  George Washington, in his December 1790 address to the Hebrew congregations of Philadelphia, New York, Charleston and Richmond acknowledged that “[t]he power and goodness of the Almighty were strongly manifested in the events of our late glorious revolution” in establishing the United States of America.  Abraham Lincoln reminded us in his March 4, 1865 Second Inaugural Address that “The Almighty has His own purposes” amidst conflict and war, which Lincoln identified with respect to the American Civil War as the removal of the offense of human slavery and to punish both North and South for their responsibility for that offense.  Is it the case that don’t you pray in recognition of God’s sovereignty and for God’s justice to prevail because that would mean acknowledging that sometimes God acts in human history through war and conflict? 

    A lowly American private in World War I by the name of Walter Bromwich understood that fact when he wrote home “God is in this war, not as a spectator, but backing up everything that is good in us.”  (A Carroll (ed.), Grace Under Fire: Letters of Faith In Times of War). That fact was recognized too in the prayer written by Chaplain James H. O’Neill at the request of General George Patton at the Battle of the Bulge in World War II: “Graciously harken to us as soldiers who call upon Thee that, armed with Thy power, we may advance from victory to victory, and crush the oppression and wickedness or our enemies, and establish Thy justice among men and nations.”  General Patton had Chaplain O’Neill’s whole prayer printed on wallet size cards and distributed to the soldiers of the Third Army (which included my father-in-law).  (A Axelrod, Patton 151; C. D’Este, Patton: A Genius For War 688; S. Weintraub, 11 Days In December 85-86, 108-109.)       

    There are times when it is necessary for Christians to confront and, armed with God’s power, defeat evil.  Moral conduct is not to be found in pacifist impulses leading to cowardly rationalization for inaction or self-centered reproach for having taken action.  To the contrary, as John Calvin reminds us, if we refuse to use force in a just cause, we “become guilty of the greatest impiety” (Institutes, IV.20.10).    

    It thus further disturbs me that your “Litany” laments and asks “forgiveness” that “we are so prepared for war and so unprepared for peace, so prepared to confront and unprepared to be reconcile, so prepared to shout and so unprepared to listen, so prepared to inflict injury and so unprepared to heal.”  In what universe are you operating?       

 
    We could start with November 4, 1979, when Iranian radicals seized, in violation of international law, the American Embassy in Tehran and held hostage American Embassy personnel for the next 444 days until the inauguration of Ronald Reagan as President.  (See M. Bowden, Guests of the Ayatollah.)  But let’s begin with February 26, 1993, when the World Trade Center Towers in Manhattan were bombed for the first time by radical Islamists who were followers of the blind sheik Omar Abdul Rahman and who were led by Ramzi Yousef; six people were killed and 1,042 people were injured.  On August 23, 1996, Osama bin Laden, from a cave in Afghanistan, declared jihadist war on America; the statement was entitled “Declaration of War Against the Americans Occupying the Land of the Two Holy Places,” which asserted that terrorism was “a legitimate right and a moral obligation” and that the youths carrying out jihad “love death as you love life.”  On August 7, 1998, the American Embassy in Kenya was bombed by al-Qaeda operatives, causing the deaths of 213 and injury to thousands, and the American Embassy in Tanzania was bombed by other al-Qaeda operatives, resulting in the deaths of 11 and the wounding of 85.  On October 12, 2000, the U.S. Navy ship USS Cole in a Yemen port was attacked by two al-Qaeda operatives on a suicide mission, resulting in the deaths of 17 American sailors and the wounding of 39 others.  To all of these actions, America did not do much because America was in fact unprepared for war but rather prepared for peace.  (See generally L. Wright, The Looming Tower: Al-Qaeda And The Road To 9/11.)

    So finally, on  September 11, 2001, America was caught by surprise as nineteen al- Qaeda suicide jihadists hijacked four commercial airliners to fly into office and government buildings.  Two of the planes were flown into the World Trade Center Towers in Manhattan causing them to collapse, one plane was flown into the Pentagon in Washington D.C. and one plane was flown into the ground in Pennsylvania as the passengers fought to take control of the plane back.  That day, often referred to now simply as 9/11, more than 3,000 people were shockingly murdered on American soil by the actions of radical Islamists.  In view of the events of that day known as 9/11 and the events of the preceding decade, I must ask: just how were we “so prepared for war and so unprepared for peace, so prepared to confront and unprepared to be reconcile, so prepared to shout and so unprepared to listen, so prepared to inflict injury and so unprepared to heal”?  

     Only after September 11 did America take military action in the name of a war on terror.  America was not gratuitously seeking war when using military force to remove the oppressive Taliban from power in Afghanistan for harboring al-Qaeda.  Nor was America gratuitously seeking war when, in coalition with other nations (most particularly Great Britain), military force was authorized by Congress and used to remove a murderous tyrant in Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq for, among other things: being in material breach of 17 United Nations arms resolutions; supporting global terrorism in allowing the operation in Iraq of terrorist training camps, paying for suicide bombers and allowing certain terrorists to operate in Iraq; having and seeking weapons of mass destruction that all believed he had (and according to Iraqi Air Force General Georges Sada did have and moved to Syria in the prolonged run up to the invasion); and using a weapon of mass destruction in nerve gas against the Kurds killing thousands.  An effective United Nations would itself have taken the action of removing Saddam from power, but a generally ineffective United Nations in this case was further corrupted and incapacitated by Saddam in the Oil-for-Food scandal.

    Do you really think that the world would be a better place if Saddam Hussein, the “Butcher of Baghdad,” were still in power?  If so, I have to ask facetiously: Do you miss the rape rooms of Saddam's sons? Or perhaps the repression and murder of the Kurds? Or the real physically mutilating torture that Saddam's government meted out to anyone suspected of being a dissident? Or the hundreds of thousands of Iraqis killed by Saddam's government? Or is it that Saddam's dictatorial, cult of personality mode of government suits you? Perhaps it was Saddam's corruption of the United Nations in the Food-for-Oil scandal that thrilled you? Or maybe it was Saddam's payment of suicide bombers? Or perhaps Saddam's allowance of terrorist training camps in Iraq? Or was it that the terrorist thug Abu Musab al-Zarqawi was allowed to use Iraq as a base of operations?  If, on the other hand, you don’t think that the world would be a better place if Saddam Hussein, the “Butcher of Baghdad,” were still in power, why do you think we need to ask for “forgiveness”?  Are you open to the possibility that God wanted the oppressive hand of the “Butcher of Baghdad” removed from power?   
 
    The Iraqi War has been prolonged, and there has been violence, bloodshed and suffering.  But contrast what America has done and what the adversaries have done. 

    America with its coalition partners have removed a tyrant from power, handed sovereignty back to the Iraqi people, propelled the Iraqi people to adopt a democratic government and assisted the Iraqis in defending their young government.  It cannot be ignored that the Iraqis bravely voted three times, raising the “purple finger,” in the process of adopting a written Constitution and electing their own leadership and that the present Iraqi government is the legitimate, sovereign and lawfully constituted government of Iraq.  Nor should it be ignored that the Kurds in northern Iraq enjoy peace and that insurgent attacks elsewhere in Iraq on marketplaces, police stations and the like are both terrorist and criminal in nature and are specifically targeted to undermine the Iraqi government’s authority. 

    Radical Islamists, both Sunni and Shiite, do not want democratic government and society to take root in Iraq, and they have caused much bloodshed, death and injury in their efforts to undermine the elected Iraqi government.  Al-Qaeda’s No. 1 Osama bin Laden and Al-Qaeda’s No. 2 Ayman al-Zawahiri have declared that Iraq is the major front or “greatest battle” in what they describe as the “Third World War” between Islam (actually their radical Islamism) and the West.  Al-Qaeda, in opposition to the Iraq government and in league with other Sunni extremists (e.g., the post-Zarqawi Islamic State of Iraq), has led the insurgency in areas such as Anbar province, has engaged in bombings killing innocent Iraqis and has actively sought, with some success, to incite sectarian violence in Iraq between Sunni Baathists unreconciled to the loss of power in post-Saddam Iraq and Shiites who had been repressed by Saddam.  The radical Shiites in Iran have similarly been channeling resources to fueling sectarian violence and providing material assistance in the form of a massive supply of IEDs, EFPs and other weaponry not only to radical Shiite militias but also Sunni insurgents.  Radical Shiites in Iraq such as renegade cleric Muqtada al-Sadr have militias that engage in sectarian violence, either oppose or seek to compromise the Iraqi government and at times work with their Iranian radical allies to attack American troops.  Do you think for one moment that if we withdrew from Iraq now, that country would be better off?  That is not the judgment of New York Times Baghdad bureau chief John Burns, who has stated that such withdrawal could result in "levels of suffering and of casualties amongst Iraqis that potentially could dwarf the ones we've seen to this point."

    The fact is that we are the good guys in Iraq.  Our military has been supporting the lawfully constituted Iraqi government, seeking to establish security for the Iraqi people from radical Islamist insurgent violence and mayhem and training the Iraqi army and police to take the responsibility for that security.  Our military with civilian contractors have been rebuilding the country that had been driven into the ground economically by Saddam’s misrule and exploitation.  Young Iraqis are drawn to our soldiers and Marines; my wife and I send candy to the our son so that my son and the guys under his command can hand it out to the kids.  Pictures of American soldiers and Marines carrying in their arms Iraqi kids do tell a truth about the conflict.  I sometimes use an example from my older son’s division to contrast the Americans and the radical Islamists.  My older son’s division has, among other things, built schools for the Iraqis and distributed medical supplies to local hospitals and clinics; in contrast, the girls’ school that was next to my older son’s base was blown up by a suicide bomber with much loss of life because the radical Islamists do not want girls educated.  Again, I ask: why do you think it is we who need to be asking for “forgiveness”?

    By asking for forgiveness in the manner the “Litany” does and stating that we are “so prepared for war and so unprepared for peace” and “so prepared to inflict injury and so unprepared to heal,” the “Litany” implicitly blames America for the Afghanistan and Iraq wars while not making the slightest acknowledgment of the evil that America has been facing in the actions of the radical Islamists.  That gives a very bad context to what followed in the “Litany”:  the reading of the names of those Long Islanders who have lost their lives in Iraq and Afghanistan.

    By way of contrast, Abraham Lincoln’s “Gettysburg Address,” delivered at the site of the Gettysburg battlefield, refers to how “[t]he brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract” and to how the world “can never forget what they did here.”  Lincoln then used the occasion to state the purpose for which the sacrifice was made: “that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave their last full measure of devotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.”  

    The remembrance of war dead unavoidably raises the question of the cause for which they were sacrificed.  The “Litany” here, however, in asking for forgiveness and stating that we are “so prepared for war and so unprepared for peace” and “so prepared to inflict injury and so unprepared to heal,” states no such cause.  In the context that the “Litany” gives, the reading of the fallen comes across as that the loss of lives was in vain.  That message does not truly honor those in the military who have given their last full measure of devotion to the nation. 
          
    The context in the “Litany” that cheapens the reading of the fallen also calls into question just what kind of prayer is being made in the “Litany” for the wounded troops returning home.  The “Litany” asks that the Lord sustain the wounded “after the parades are over, the honors [are] given, and the medals have lost their luster, and they [the wounded] are forgotten.”  It is very right and good to ask that the Lord sustain the wounded, but the “Litany” couples that request with what effectively belittles the cause in which they were engaged.  Parades, honors and medals give proper recognition to the good and valuable service rendered, and the wounded are not forgotten unless, as was the case was with Vietnam, there is a desire to put away thought about their sacrifice.  Just as we should pray for the divine protection of active troops in harm’s way without gratuitous reference to decals on SUVs, we should pray for divine healing of the wounded without gratuitous reference to “after the parades are over, the honors [are] given, and the medals have lost their luster, and they [the wounded] are forgotten.”
     
    Finally, while it is very right and good to pray for the Iraqi and Afghanistan people and that they may enjoy peace, do you consider what is the good that we can wish for the Iraqi and Afghanistan people and how peace may come for them?  If you think that it comes by way of the success of the American-led NATO mission in Afghanistan and the success of the American-led coalition mission in which my older son is engaged and now capably commanded by General David Petraeus in Iraq, I would agree.  But the “Litany” does not give me that sense.  I hate to think, but it is possible, that like a number of secular leftists, you believe that American withdrawal is the answer and that you are living some kind of glorious repetition of an opposition to the Vietnam War.  If so, how do you handle the parts that the elected South Vietnamese government fell in 1975 because of a massive invasion from North Vietnam after congressional Democrats cut off any funding to the elected South Vietnamese government and that after America left Southeast Asia, all of Vietnam was subject to a rigid Stalinist-type totalitarian dictatorship, Cambodia was under the control of a genocidal radical communist regime, thousands of Vietnamese sought to escape tyranny by taking to the seas in open boats (the “boat people”) and literally millions of those who could not escape died in Cambodia and Vietnam?   Most all secular leftists simply turned their back; but was that the appropriate Christian response?  If we withdraw from Iraq precipitously and as indicated above there is massive bloodshed and death as radical Islamists set off bombs and wield the beheading sword, will you simply turn your back?  And don’t you think that radical Islamists will be emboldened to attack us again on American soil?             
    I am very conscious of the sacrifices that our men and women in military service in harm’s way make.  There is every reason to give them the highest respect: America’s effort to free the Afghani and Iraqi people from oppression and to give them the opportunity to elect democratically their leaders has been noble and just; there is nothing “Christian” about failing to confront what is deeply evil in the actions of the radical Islamists; the casualties suffered by American troops in Afghanistan and Iraq should not be allowed to be and should not be seen as in vain; to invoke Lincoln again, America as the last best hope of Earth.  May America, under God, be blessed by God.
       
                                In His service,


                                Philip A. Byler, Esq.
   


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The Exchange Between Congressman Israel and Me and Iraq

I had opened this blog some time ago, but never posted because I am a busy lawyer in private practice in Manhattan.  Some people who have posted comments under articles published by townhall.com expressed regrets that I had not taken advantage of my blog, and I decided that I would start this Memorial Day weekend with what I believe is a good subject for Memorial Day.  I have started reading Michael Yon's excellent Moment of Truth in Iraq, and it occurred to me that I should publish my lengthy e-mail exchange in 2007 with my congressman, Steven Israel (D-NY), concerning the Iraq War.  Congressman Israel is a liberal Democrat who is a political ally of New York Senators Hillary Clinton and Chuck Schumer.  I am a moderately conservative Republican who strongly supports John McCain, admires Teddy Roosevelt (whose beloved Sagamore Hill is not far from where I live) and greatly appreciates the speeches of Ronald Reagan and the writings of such people as Victor Davis Hanson, Oliver North and John McCain.  While my blog won't always read like Winston Churchill's World War II history in reproducing documents verbatim, I think you will find the Congressman Israel-Phil Byler exchange is worthwhile reading.   


At the time of my exchange with Congressman Israel, my personal interest was that my older son John (Purdue '05) was a U.S. Army First Lieutenant in the U.S. Army (with Ranger tab and paratroop wings) who was then serving as an infantry platoon leader in Iraq and that my younger son James would be commissioned a Second Lieutenant in the U.S. Marines upon graduation from Purdue and would at some point be expected to be serving in harm's way like his older brother.  I still have my interest because my older son John completed his 15 month tour of duty in Iraq earning a Bronze Star and and Army Commendation "V" Medal for Valor for actions under fire, my younger son was commissioned a U. S. Marines Second Lieutenant upon graduation this May from Purdue and they both can be expected to be serving in harm's way in the future for our country.     


What happened to trigger the exchange with Congressman Israel was that Congressman Israel, a liberal Democrat, gave a speech on the House floor opposing the "surge."  With my older son in Iraq, I was following quite closely the progress of the war in that country.  I had been noting Senator McCain's statements about needing more boots in Iraq, and on October 3, 2006, then U.S. Army First Lieutenant Pete Hegseth of the 101st had published an article in the Wall Street Journal entitled "More Boots Please" and explaining why.  After the 2006 elections, when President Bush admirably defied the conventional wisdom and announced the "surge" to be implemented with a new commander in General David Petraeus, I was of the opinion that the "surge" under General Petraeus was absolutely the right course of action.  Shortly after the initial Iraq invasion, I had read Rick Atkinson's In The Company of Soldiers about that invasion; Atkinson had embedded with the 101st then under the command of none other than General Petraeus, who stood out in the story as a man from whom more would be heard.   Very different were the expressed views of Congressman Israel, who in voting gainst the "surge" basically followed a Democrat Party line amounting to rationalizing withdrawal.  I believed that Congressman Israel was being defeatist, was analyzing the situation as wrongly as it could be analyzed and was being disloyal to our troops.  Congressman Israel's expressed viewpoint, however, was prevalent, whereas at the time Senator McCain's politically courageous support of the "surge" and General Petraeus was a lonely position. 

To Congressman Israel, I sent the following irate but reasoned letter by e-mail on February 17, 2007:


Dear Congressman Israel:

I write as a father of a son who is a US Army First Lieutenant presently serving as a platoon leader in harm's way in Iraq.  My older son John is a 2001 graduate of the Huntington High School and a 2005 graduate of Purdue University.  I know that I am biased, but he is one of the finest individuals I know.  The American military is full of outstanding individuals such as he; they truly are our finest.

You, however, do not deserve to breathe the same air as they, not after your vote in favor of the House "non-binding" resolution against the "surge" of troops that a gifted General Petraeus needs for implementation of his new "clear and hold" strategy in Iraq.  I do denounce you for your vote.  The words “irresponsible” and “disloyalty to our troops in harm's way” are descriptive words for your actions, but they are too mild in this situation.  My anger makes me want to use Pattonesque language in the condemnation that I have for it. 

I have read your statement explaining your vote, and at best you are deluded and ignorant.  You are not supporting the troops; you are giving aid and comfort to the enemy.  You may not like reading that, but it is the real truth.

That you say that it is no solution to be adding more troops to a policy that has not worked reflects either a shocking lack of understanding on your part or a deviousness beneath contempt.  The "surge" is not being implemented with old policy.  What did not work, at least not work well enough, was General Casey's "light footprint" strategy.  It did not work because there were not enough troops in Iraq to hold areas and maintain security given the involvement of al Qaeda with Sunni insurgents and Iran with radical Shiite militias; the increase in the "insurgency" numbers is because of the involvement of foreign jihadists, who do understand well that the Iraq War is a front in our conflict with radical Islamists. 

You say you talked to General Casey about what more troops would accomplish, but I think that is disingenuous on your part.  Talking to General Casey was like talking to General McClellan about how to win the American Civil War.  General McClellan would have said more troops, but he would not have won no matter how many troops he would have had.  The same with General Casey; and what has happened is that President Bush relieved General Casey and has put General Petraeus in command in Iraq. General Petraeus is one of the most capable generals in the US Army and is the best counterinsurgency expert we have, and General Petraeus needs the additional troops to implement his different "clear and hold" strategy, which already is having an effect.      

To get a view from the "boots on the ground" as to why additional troops are necessary for a "clear and hold" strategy, I refer you an article by First Lieutenant Pete Hegseth of the 101st Airborne (General Petraeus's old command) entitled "More Troops Please" published on The Wall Street Journal Online October 3, 2006.  

So what you are doing, in voting for the resolution you did, is to create a political environment aimed at undercutting the very move we need to make in order to achieve success with General Petraeus's "clear and hold" strategy in Iraq and to undermine the mission of the troops in harm's way in Iraq.  In my view, this is a deliberate effort, done for narrow partisan purposes, by congressional Democrats to engineer a defeat in Iraq, the consequences of which would be disastrous.

You can say that the troops are not afraid of debate on the floor of the House and that troops need to hear “the truth.”  Excuse me, but you are not a source of “the truth”; “the truth” does not come from Congress in what are your cowardly debates.  The troops know “the truth” better than any of you in Congress, and what the troops don't understand is how people such as you can be so disconnected from reality.  So I think what you mean by "the truth" is what is political convenient for you and your fellow Democrats in Congress; and the troops have every right to be very concerned about what is politically convenient for you in Congress. 

Finally, you say indignantly that you do have ideas and that the White House has simply resisted taking them.  Baloney.  What ideas?  You don't say; part of “the truth" is that you don't have ideas as to what to do in Iraq; you just know how to posture with words.  Meanwhile, our finest, including my older son, carry on brilliantly.  What is appropriate for indignation, and I have it, is your disloyalty to our finest.   

- Philip A. Byler, Huntington, New York


I did not hear anything from Congressman Israel until June 25, 2007.  I received the following e-mail from Congressman Israel, stating his actions aimed at bringing about a withdrawal of American forces in Iraq and in voting against funding the troops (including my older son in Iraq) in Iraq:


Dear Mr. Byler:

First and foremost, I'd like to thank your family for its dedication and service to our country. Thank you for contacting me with your thoughts regarding the war in Iraq. I sincerely appreciate your views and welcome the opportunity to respond.

I have always been a strong supporter of our military and I will always be the first to defend our right to address conflicts with the use of force when the time calls for it.

As you may know, I voted for the use of force in Iraq. I believed then, as I believe now, that the Middle East is an exceedingly dangerous region on the brink of an eruption that threatens global security.

But the Administration has managed this war in a way that has only made the problem worse. I have grown increasingly critical of this Administration's catastrophically poor planning in Iraq and its ambiguous statements that we will remain in Iraq "for as long as it takes". It is outrageous that over four years into the war we still receive reports of inadequate supplies, a growing insurgent threat, less stability, and more American lives lost.

As I have said openly on the House floor, before we went to war in Iraq, there was no such thing as "Al Qaeda in Iraq." Today, there is. Iraq has become a breeding ground for terrorism, giving tens of thousands of militants training against our troops, which they then can take elsewhere in the world to fight against our interests.

Moreover, before we invaded Iraq our military was capable of swiftly responding to multiple threats, foreign and domestic. But this endless, mismanaged war has left us hindered in our ability to respond to situations abroad or at home. In fact, the New York National Guard recently reported to my office that it has only 35 percent of the mission critical transportation it needs to respond to a homeland security emergency in my state, whether it's a terrorist attack or a severe hurricane.

The current debate in Congress has focused rightly on the question of a timeline to withdraw. Many of us are troubled with the inclusion of a strategic withdrawal of our troops between December of this year and August of next. I want you to know I have struggled with this at times as well because no matter what we do, the stakes are high and the consequences are great. But I reached my own judgment a few months ago. It was not based on polls or politics, not based on the convenience of sound-bytes on either side of the aisle or on righteous absolutism that can only be formulated in a vacuum. I formed it after listening to the Commanding General of CENTCOM testify to the Armed Services Committee that we had until the middle of 2007 before Baghdad spins out of control. Shortly after that, the Iraq Study Group, after months of non-partisan work and study, reached the judgment that: "By the first quarter of 2008, subject to unexpected developments in the security situation on the ground, all combat brigades not necessary for force protection could be out of Iraq."

This statement sets natural bookends: the middle of this year and the middle of next year. Those are the benchmarks. Those are the nonpartisan, nonpolitical, balanced and reasoned benchmarks.

I want you to know I've also drafted original legislation on this topic, which I call the "One for One plan." Because I don't want to allow this Administration to continue an open-ended commitment without accountability and verifiability, earlier this year I proposed a formula that would specifically link the number of Iraqi security personnel that achieve verifiable levels of combat status to a redeployment of U.S. personnel. In fact, I based it on the President's own statements that for every Iraqi "that stands-up," a U.S. service member will be redeployed. Only my plan defines the status of Iraqi security capabilities with the universally accepted, verifiable and objective standards of "Combat Level" proficiency. And it would require the President to certify those numbers to Congress and the American people. The formula that I have advocated would allow me to make future decisions on troop strength based on actual data and not the Administration's rhetoric.

I was able to attach this language to the Second Iraq Supplemental Funding Bill, but the President refused to sign that bill. And although there were some elements of the final supplemental he signed that were similar to parts of my plan, I will continue to press our Leadership in the House and the President to fully incorporate my plan into future legislation.

As for the latest Iraq spending bill, I want you to know that I voted "NO" on because it represented simply another blank check to the Administration and allowed for no meaningful oversight or accountability on how this war is being conducted. Although I have a strong and consistent record of voting in good faith to support fighting terrorism abroad, and although I have given the President the benefit of the doubt many times in the past, this war has become a disaster of epic proportions that I can no longer simply vote YES on unless we can force the President to improve the situation and allow Congress to play our oversight role.
I believe American servicemembers and their families deserve more than simply thoughtlessly throwing more money into a broken war strategy that is costing us the lives of so many young men and women.

Thank you again for writing my office on this difficult issue. I carefully review the letters I get on this topic and the feedback I've obtained from you, from my travels to Iraq, from conversations with top commanders and from Long Island service members and their families have been extremely helpful to me.

 Thank you again for contacting me.  Please do not hesitate to do so again on any matter of concern.  You can also visit my website (www.house.gov/israel) to learn more about the issues important to you.

Sincerely,

STEVE ISRAEL
Member of Congress

P.S.  Due to the high volume of correspondence I receive, I am unable to process direct replies to this e-mail.  To send follow-up comments or future inquires, please fill out and submit the contact form on my website (www.house.gov/israel).  I look forward to hearing from you.


I was highly dissatisfied, to say the least, with Congressman Israel's response.  It was a blame Bush screed that was wrong in numerous ways.  Consequently, I decided to send a lengthy reply taking on the specific statements in Congresssman Israel's e-mail and in the course of that reply, discuss the Iraq War.  To Congressman Israel, I sent on July 4, 2007, what I called my Fourth of July response, as follows:


On February 17, 2007, I sent you  through your website a letter in which I harshly criticized you for your vote in favor of the House “non-binding” resolution against the “surge,” for your disloyalty to our troops in harm’s way and for your efforts to undercut General David Petraeus in Iraq.  I wrote as the father of a son who is a U.S. Army First Lieutenant (with Ranger tab) serving as an infantry platoon leader in harm’s way in Iraq.  You did not respond for over four months until June 25, 2007, when I received by e-mail what purports to be your response; and your response was so ill conceived and so deserving of harsh criticism that I have taken the time to explain why in this Fourth of July reply to you. 

I will preface my reply with a reference to what my Father’s Day last month was like.  The Saturday night before Father’s Day, my wife and I received an e-mail from my son in Iraq that he would not be able to call as planned on Father’s Day because a close friend of his and fellow platoon leader was killed in a firefight and my son was ordered to go out and take command of that platoon in action.  I spent several days thereafter thinking about and wanting to be with my son in what was unquestionably a tough moment, even though I had no doubt that he would come through it with courage and resolve.  It was in some ways very good to focus one’s attentions, as I did, on what is going on in Iraq.  Throughout that country, there are over a hundred thousand American soldiers and Marines doing their duty nobly and bravely.  Meanwhile, in the United States, the news broadcasts in mainstream media, which spend next to no time on what our soldiers and Marines do and accomplish, lavish attentions on such matters as the travails of Paris Hilton having to go to jail (oh, the horrors).   

In your June 25 letter, you open by thanking my family for its dedication and service to the country, and you assert that you are a strong supporter of the military.  But your thanks to my family and your claim to being a strong supporter of the military is belied entirely by most of the rest of your June 25 letter, which shows you to be just another irresponsible, pandering politician whose actions are recklessly undermining our military’s efforts in Iraq in order perversely and stupidly to impose defeat upon the nation for perceived partisan advantage.  In many ways, your June 25 letter is an insult to my family.  In truth, you are not a supporter of the military.

You nonetheless begin your June 25th letter well by noting that you voted for the use of force in Iraq to remove Saddam.  You were correct in that vote.  America did not gratuitously seek war when, in coalition with other nations (most particularly Great Britain), military force was authorized by Congress and used to remove a murderous rogue tyrant in Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq for, among other things: being in material breach of 17 United Nations arms resolutions going back to the first Gulf War; supporting global terrorism in allowing the operation in Iraq of terrorist training camps; paying for suicide bombers and allowing certain terrorists to operate in Iraq; having and seeking weapons of mass destruction that all believed he had (and according to Iraqi Air Force General Georges Sada did have and moved to Syria in the prolonged run up to the invasion); and using a weapon of mass destruction in nerve gas against the Kurds killing thousands.  A generally ineffective United Nations in this case was further corrupted and incapacitated by Saddam in the Oil-for-Food scandal.  

One need only check the record for statements by leading Democrats to know that at the time military force was authorized to remove Saddam, there was widespread agreement on the necessity of taking that step.  Regime change in Iraq was in fact Bill Clinton’s Administration policy because of the concern about Saddam acquiring weapons of mass destruction.  On February 4, 1998, then President Bill Clinton stated “One way or the other, we are determined to deny Iraq the capacity to develop weapons of mass destruction and the missiles to deliver them. That is our bottom line.”  On February 18, 1998, Clinton National Security Adviser Sandy Berger stated “He [Saddam] will use those weapons of mass destruction again, as he has ten times since 1983.”  Recalling what other prominent Democrats said thereafter is an eye opener given current comments by Democrats.  On October 9, 2002, Senator John Kerry stated “I will be voting to give the President of the United States the authority to use force -- if necessary -- to disarm Saddam Hussein because I believe that a deadly arsenal of weapons of mass destruction in his hands is a real and grave threat to our security.” On September 19, 2002, Senator Carl Levin stated “We begin with the common belief that Saddam Hussein is a tyrant and a threat to the peace and stability of the region. He has ignored the mandate of the United Nations and is building weapons of mass destruction and the means of delivering them.”  On September 23, 2002, former Vice President Al Gore stated “We know that he has stored secret supplies of biological and chemical weapons throughout his country. . . .Iraq’s search for weapons of mass destruction has proven impossible to deter and we should assume that it will continue for as long as Saddam is in power.”  On October 3, 2002, Senator Robert Byrd stated “The last UN weapons inspectors left Iraq in October of 1998. We are confident that Saddam Hussein retains some stockpiles of chemical and biological weapons, and that he has since embarked on a crash course to build up his chemical and biological warfare capabilities. Intelligence reports indicate that he is seeking nuclear weapons. . . .”  On October 10, 2002, Senator Hillary Clinton stated “In the four years since the inspectors left, intelligence reports show that Saddam Hussein has worked to rebuild his chemical and biological weapons stock, his missile delivery capability, and his nuclear program. He has also given aid, comfort, and sanctuary to terrorists, including al Qaeda members … It is clear, however, that if left unchecked, Saddam Hussein will continue to increase his capacity to wage biological and chemical warfare, and will keep trying to develop nuclear weapons.”  Given this record, the last thing any Democrat, including you, can fairly and reasonably do is to disavow the vote for use of force to remove Saddam.  But as we know, most Democrats, including you, are talking a completely different line today in rationalizing defeat in Iraq and in catering to the antiwar left that seems to dictate Democrat Party politics.      

Your June 25th letter proceeds to assert that you believed then at the time of the vote to authorize force against Saddam and still believe now that the Middle East is an exceedingly dangerous region on the brink of an eruption threatening global security.  You might have made express reference to the forces of radical Islam as the cause of the danger and point to the efforts of al Qaeda and Iran in Iraq and elsewhere.  But you have another agenda: to attack the Commander-in-Chief; and so you make only slight mention of the radical Islamists.  Instead, you first write that the Bush Administration has managed the war to make it worse, you castigate the Bush Administration for making such “ambiguous” statements as we will remain in Iraq for as long as it takes and you denounce the Bush Administration for a “growing insurgent threat” and “less stability.”  These are nothing but partisan statements that do not candidly deal with what has been and is going on in Iraq and do not responsibly deal with the challenge of radical Islam.  

America with its coalition partners have removed a tyrant from power, handed sovereignty back to the Iraqi people, propelled the Iraqi people to adopt a democratic government and assisted the Iraqis in defending their young government.  It cannot be ignored that the Iraqis bravely voted three times, raising the “purple finger,” in the process of adopting a written Constitution and electing their own leadership and that the present Iraqi government is the legitimate, sovereign and lawfully constituted government of Iraq. Nor should it be ignored that the Kurds in northern Iraq enjoy peace and that radical Islamist attacks elsewhere in Iraq on marketplaces, police stations and the like are both terrorist and criminal in nature and are specifically targeted to undermine the Iraqi government’s authority. While one may criticize the Bush Administration for not having enough boots on the ground and too long continuing to pursue a “light footprint” or minimalist strategy that contemplated a small American force and Iraqi police and military taking responsibility despite the violence in the country growing resulting from  what was a counterattack of the forces of radical Islam, the “light footprint” strategy was conceived with the best of intentions out of concern that we avoid a Vietnam-like situation where we seemed to overwhelm the local forces; and in any event, the “light footprint” or minimalist strategy in Iraq has been replaced by a clear and hold strategy, for which the surge in troop levels is aimed at supporting, and General Petraeus, the U.S. Army’s expert in counter-insurgency, is now in command.  In this situation, it is anything but an “ambiguous” statement to say we will remain in Iraq for as long as it takes; and that statement is made because of the terrible consequences that would ensue if Iraq were to fall to the radical Islamists  -- something that you irresponsibly do not consider anywhere in your June 25th letter.  And the enemy in Iraq whom we fight should be referred to as the radical Islamists, not insurgents.  Senator Joe Lieberman, in his article on June 15, 2007, in the Wall Street Journal reported on his recent trip to Iraq, and among other things, noted the improvements in security and the estimate that 90% of the suicide bombings in Iraq are the work of non-Iraqi al Qaeda.  

Your one comment about al Qaeda in all of your June 25th letter is to repeat what is an idiotic remark that you have said on the House floor: that before we went to war in Iraq, there was no such thing as al Qaeda in Iraq and that now Iraq is a breeding ground for terrorism.  By these remarks, are you in effect disavowing your vote to authorize the use of force to remove Saddam from power?  If so, do you really think that the world would be a better place if Saddam Hussein, the “Butcher of Baghdad,” were still in power?  If so, I have to ask facetiously: Do you miss Saddam thumbing his nose at the international community when violating 17 U.N. resolutions?  Do you miss the torture and rape rooms of Saddam's sons? Or perhaps the repression and murder of the Kurds? Or the real physically mutilating torture that Saddam's government meted out to anyone suspected of being a dissident? Or the hundreds of thousands of Iraqis killed by Saddam's government? Or is it that Saddam's dictatorial, cult of personality mode of government suits you? Perhaps it was Saddam's corruption of the United Nations in the Food-for-Oil scandal that thrilled you? Or maybe it was Saddam's payment of suicide bombers? Or perhaps Saddam's allowance of terrorist training camps in Iraq? Or was it that the terrorist thug Abu Musab al-Zarqawi was allowed to use Iraq as a base of operations?  Of course, the beheader Abu Musab al-Zarqawi became the head of al Qaeda in Iraq.  Also, as reported by Lawrence Wright in his study of the rise of al Qaeda The Looming Tower, there were ongoing contacts between Saddam’s regime and al Qaeda at the highest level going back to 1992.  Your apparent notion that had it not been for the removal of Saddam from power, al Qaeda would not be in Iraq is mistaken and all too conveniently ignores the reasons why Saddam was removed from power in the first place.     

If, on the other hand, you are not disavowing the support you once quite sensibly gave to removing Saddam, then are you seriously saying that somehow we are still at fault for al Qaeda now seeking to establish itself in Iraq?  If so, you are simply not facing up to the determination of the radical Islamists, both Sunni and Shiite, who do not want democratic government and society to take root in Iraq, and they have caused much bloodshed, death and injury in their efforts to undermine the elected Iraqi government.  Al-Qaeda’s No. 1 Osama bin Laden and Al-Qaeda’s No. 2 Ayman al-Zawahiri have declared that Iraq is the major front or “greatest battle” in what they describe as the “Third World War” between Islam (actually their radical Islamism) and the West.  Al-Qaeda, in opposition to the Iraq government and in league with other Sunni extremists (e.g., the post-Zarqawi Islamic State of Iraq), has engaged in bombings killing innocent Iraqis and has actively sought, with apparently decreasing success, to incite sectarian violence in Iraq between Sunni Baathists unreconciled to the loss of power in post-Saddam Iraq and Shiites who had been repressed by Saddam.  The radical Shiites in Iran have been the arms merchant of opportunity, providing a massive supply of IEDs, EFPs and other weaponry not only to radical Shiite militias but also to al Qaeda.  

Your notion that Iraq has become a training ground for terrorists who can go elsewhere in the world is unconnected to what is going on in Iraq; the radical Islamists in Iraq against whom we are engaged are quite occupied in Iraq.  Your criticism of an “endless war” may appeal to antiwar activists and people who are tired of the war, but do you think for one second that your criticism would appeal to my family, whose ideals are expressed in President John F. Kennedy’s famous words “bear any burden, pay any price in the defense of freedom”?  Your criticism of a “mismanaged war” ignores the changes that have been made in strategy and commander.  Your supposed concern about stretched military resources do not address what is really required -- an Army and a Marine Corps that are increased in size; Bill Clinton’s reduction of the number of active Army divisions from eighteen to ten left the nation vulnerable in our struggle with the radical Islamists.  But most importantly, what all your comments along this line are aimed at is to rationalize withdrawal and to rationalize that withdrawal without consideration of the consequences of defeat in Iraq or the sacrifices of our soldiers and Marines. That is very stupid and very wrong on your part.

You continue in your June 25th letter by stating that “[t]he current debate in Congress has focused rightly on the question of a timeline to withdraw” and you go through a pretentious discussion that purports to give your “judgment” based on balancing the military judgment of General Petraeus with the ill considered political recommendations of the so-called Iraq Study Group (which may more accurately be called the Iraq Surrender Group).   You conclude that by this balance, one can derive “bookends to the middle of this year and middle of next year” for withdrawal, and you call this the setting of “nonpartisan, nonpolitical, balanced and reasoned benchmarks.”  In fact, this is what Harry Truman would have called “hooey”; this is what may also be called partisan, political, unbalanced and unreasoned nonsense.

First of all, to the extent that the current debate in Congress has focused on the question of a timeline to withdraw, Congress has not done so rightly.  Your statement supporting such a defeatist focus is premised on a view that, as discussed above, does not candidly deal with what has been and is going on in Iraq and does not responsibly deal with the challenge of radical Islam.  Your statement only demonstrates that Congress rightly deserves the very low ratings it is receiving from the American people -- ratings that are lower than received by President Bush.  What Congress should be focused on is what our military needs so that we succeed in Iraq and succeed generally in the war with the radical Islamists.  And we are at war.  On August 23, 1996, Osama bin Laden, from a cave in Afghanistan, declared jihadist war on America; the statement was entitled “Declaration of War Against the Americans Occupying the Land of the Two Holy Places,” which asserted that terrorism was “a legitimate right and a moral obligation” and that the youths carrying out jihad “love death as you love life.”  Attacks on the African embassies(213 personnel killed there) in August 1998 and on the U.S. Navy ship Cole (13 sailors killed there) in October 2000 should have awakened us, but we were still shocked on September 11, 2001, when nineteen al Qaeda suicide jihadists hijacked four commercial airliners to fly into office and government buildings in Manhattan and Washington D.C. and ended up leaving over 3,000 dead that day on American soil.  Only because President Bush has done so well with his anti-terrorist measures can people in this country indulge themselves with the John Edwards-like “thought” that there is no war on terrorism.  

Secondly, the whole notion of balancing the military judgment of General Petraeus with the recommendations of the Iraq Study Group is a dumb, dimwitted contrivance.  General Petraeus is one of the most gifted military men the nation has had the blessing to have, and when he gives his judgment, it is based on a thorough, sober analysis because the lives of people and the welfare of the nation are at stake.  In contrast, the report of the Iraq Study Group was a political concoction containing a long list of recommendations, the most critical of which related to a proposed effort to engage Iran and Syria in negotiations in order to bring stability to Iraq; and based on that proposed effort, withdrawal from Iraq was said to be possible by the first quarter of 2008.  This was beyond wishful thinking; the supposed “realism” of Iraq Study Group Chairman James Baker was shown to be anything but realistic.  Iran and Syria have no interest whatsoever in stability being established in Iraq.  Directly to the contrary, those countries are actively involved in creating instability in the region.  Iran’s President Ahmadinejad has called for the destruction of Israel; to him, Israel is the “Little Satan” and America is the “Big Satan”; Iran is supporting Hezbollah in Iraq to undermine the Iraqi government and attack American troops.  Syria has been responsible for the assassination of independent Lebanese democratic leaders and for supporting Hezbollah in Syria in attacks on Israel.  The Neville Chamberlain-like notion that talking with Iran and Syria will somehow lead to stabilizing solutions for Iraq is cowardly and irresponsible.  What efforts that Secretary of State Condolezza Rice nevertheless made to engage in discussions quickly went nowhere.  And once the premises of the withdrawal timing in the Iraq Study Group is exposed for its utter unrealism, then your reliance on the Iraq Study Group for one “bookend” is also exposed as nothing more than an ill considered effort to undermine proper reliance on General Petraeus.     

Third, as already noted, you do not consider the consequences of failure in Iraq.  If we withdraw from Iraq precipitously and there is massive bloodshed and death as radical Islamists set off bombs and wield the beheading sword, will you simply turn your back?  Do you ignore that al Qaeda will have a client state from which to launch attacks, as they once did from Taliban controlled Afghanistan?  And don’t you think that radical Islamists will be emboldened by what al Qaeda and Iran will trumpet as a victory for radical Islam and to attack us again on American soil?  Or do you simply not consider such matters because you think that you are living some kind of glorious repetition of an opposition to the Vietnam War?  If so, how do you handle the parts that the elected South Vietnamese government fell in 1975 because of a massive invasion from North Vietnam after congressional Democrats cut off any funding to the elected South Vietnamese government and that after America left Southeast Asia, all of Vietnam was subject to a rigid Stalinist-type totalitarian dictatorship, Cambodia was under the control of a genocidal radical communist regime, thousands of Vietnamese sought to escape tyranny by taking to the seas in open boats (the “boat people”) and literally millions of those who could not escape died in Cambodia and Vietnam?   

As bad as is the illogic and unreason in your “balancing” of General Petraeus’s sound military judgment with the wildly unrealistic hopes for diplomacy magically  to enable withdrawal, your legislative proposal on this subject described in your June 25th letter, the“One for One Plan” is just as bad if not worse.  You call it a matter of accountability and verifiability, but the rationale and purpose of the legislation is force withdrawal, requiring that for every Iraqi person elevated to combat status that an American be “redeployed” (i.e., withdrawn).  The rationale and purpose of the legislation is not success in Iraq, and you seem not to care that you would be hamstringing the American military at a critical phase of the Iraq conflict.  General Petraeus, the expert in counterinsurgency, has called for a surge of troops to support the current strategy and to give the Iraqi government the needed breathing room to stabilize Iraq.  Your legislation, however, would effectively undermine the surge and constrict General Petraeus.  That kind of congressional interference exercised from Washington D.C. is just plain stupid and reflects a disrespect to our military.  You say that the legislation will enable you “to make future decisions on troop strength on actual data and not the Administration’s rhetoric.”  Excuse me, but under the U.S. Constitution, you are not the Commander-in-Chief; you are not the decider; and your job as a congressman is not to micro-manage the military in a war.  President Bush was absolutely correct to refuse to sign the Second Iraq Supplemental Funding Bill that included your legislative language.  You say that you will continue to press for your legislative proposal.  I say to you that you are very wrong to do so, and I condemn your actions on this subject.  

In your June 25th letter, you follow discussion of your legislation proposal with a purported defense of your vote against the latest Iraq spending bill.  Let’s be clear: our nation has military forces engaged in a war; I have a son who is serving as a U.S. Army First Lieutenant platoon leader in the Iraq War; and you write to me about voting against funding the troops.  You are deluded if you think that you can cast that “no” vote and also call yourself a supporter of the military; you are not.  For what I consider to be your disloyalty to the troops serving in harm’s way, including my U.S. Army First Lieutenant son, I condemn you for your “no” vote.
 
Your June 25th letter pathetically attempts to defend your vote against the troops based on your not being able to dictate military policy and force a withdrawal from Iraq.  You claim that the Bush Administration is not allowing for “meaningful oversight or accountability on how this war is being conducted,” you call  the Iraq War “a disaster of epic proportions” such that you cannot vote to fund the troops in action unless the President allows such “oversight,” and you call the war strategy “broken.”  Your stated reasons do not pass muster.    

First of all, in your June 25th letter, you describe your legislative proposal that is not aimed at “meaningful oversight or accountability” but rather seeks to interfere foolishly with the President’s and the military’s responsibilities.  I repeat: you are not the Commander-in-Chief; you are not the general in charge in Iraq; you are not someone  who should be attempting to make decisions about troop levels and micro-manage the war.  It is wrong to vote against funding the troops because you cannot exercise authority that you should not be exercising.   

Secondly, your apparently hyperbolic words about Iraq being a disaster of epic proportions establish that you are a defeatist, just like Senator Harry Reid who has pronounced Iraq “lost.”  But Iraq is not lost; it is not a disaster at all to have removed from power a murderous tyrant in Saddam who was a threat for the reasons that the Democrats quoted earlier in this letter expressed well; and it is not a disaster to have propelled the Iraqi people to adopt a democratic government operating under a written Constitution.  The Iraq War is difficult (and I don’t underestimate the difficulties), and the radical Islamists are determined to defeat America and repeat Vietnam.  Yet, the fact that we presently have the main battle front in Iraq, and not in Manhattan, in the war with the radical Islamists is hardly a disaster.  It is wrong to vote against funding the troops because you are a defeatist, especially since (as I have pointed out in this letter) you nowhere consider the consequences of defeat in Iraq.     

Third, the war strategy is not broken.  By saying that, you are showing yourself to be completely disrespectful to General Petraeus, who is the expert in counterinsurgency, has instituted a new strategy designed to achieve success in Iraq and from the start announced he would give a progress report in September.  The change in strategy was a point that I made to you in my letter of February 17, 2007, to you.   You, however, seem not to understand or care.  Again, it is wrong to vote against funding the troops because you either don’t understand or don’t care about what strategy and tactics that are actually being implemented by the commanders and troops on the ground.

You conclude your June 25th letter by stating that you carefully review the letters you get on this topic.  I hope that you do and that you carefully read this letter.  You no doubt will find this letter, which is harshly critical of you, not a pleasant read.  But I have written it because  my family and I care deeply for America, and I don’t think you are serving America well at all.

May America, under God, be blessed by God.

Philip A. Byler, Esq.
Huntington, New York  
 


The day after I sent my Fourth of July e-mail (July 5, 2007), Congressman Israel send back to me an e-mail "in response."  I put quotation marks around "in response" because Congressman Israel was not truly responding to me but rather repeating his positions:


Dear Mr. Byler:

Thank you for contacting me with your thoughts regarding the war in Iraq. I appreciate your views and welcome the opportunity to respond.

I have always been a strong supporter of our military and I will always be the first to defend our right to address conflicts with the use of force when the time calls for it.

As you may know, I voted for the use of force in Iraq. I believed then, as I believe now, that the Middle East is an exceedingly dangerous region on the brink of an eruption that threatens global security.

But the Administration has managed this war in a way that has only made the problem worse. I have grown increasingly critical of this Administration's catastrophically poor planning in Iraq and its ambiguous statements that we will remain in Iraq "for as long as it takes". It is outrageous that over four years into the war we still receive reports of inadequate supplies, a growing insurgent threat, less stability, and more American lives lost.
As I have said openly on the House floor, before we went to war in Iraq, there was no such thing as "Al Qaeda in Iraq." Today, there is. Iraq has become a breeding ground for terrorism, giving tens of thousands of militants training against our troops, which they then can take elsewhere in the world to fight against our interests.

Moreover, before we invaded Iraq our military was capable of swiftly responding to multiple threats, foreign and domestic. But this endless, mismanaged war has left us hindered in our ability to respond to situations abroad or at home. In fact, the New York National Guard recently reported to my office that it has only 35 percent of the mission critical transportation it needs to respond to a homeland security emergency in my state, whether it's a terrorist attack or a severe hurricane.

The current debate in Congress has focused rightly on the question of a timeline to withdraw. Many of us are troubled with the inclusion of a strategic withdrawal of our troops between December of this year and August of next. I want you to know I have struggled with this at times as well because no matter what we do, the stakes are high and the consequences are great. But I reached my own judgment a few months ago. It was not based on polls or politics, not based on the convenience of sound-bytes on either side of the aisle or on righteous absolutism that can only be formulated in a vacuum. I formed it after listening to the Commanding General of CENTCOM testify to the Armed Services Committee that we had until the middle of 2007 before Baghdad spins out of control. Shortly after that, the Iraq Study Group, after months of non-partisan work and study, reached the judgment that: "By the first quarter of 2008, subject to unexpected developments in the security situation on the ground, all combat brigades not necessary for force protection could be out of Iraq."
This statement sets natural bookends: the middle of this year and the middle of next year. Those are the benchmarks. Those are the nonpartisan, nonpolitical, balanced and reasoned benchmarks.

I want you to know I've also drafted original legislation on this topic, which I call the "One for One plan." Because I don't want to allow this Administration to continue an open-ended commitment without accountability and verifiability, earlier this year I proposed a formula that would specifically link the number of Iraqi security personnel that achieve verifiable levels of combat status to a redeployment of U.S. personnel. In fact, I based it on the President's own statements that for every Iraqi "that stands-up," a U.S. service member will be redeployed. Only my plan defines the status of Iraqi security capabilities with the universally accepted, verifiable and objective standards of "Combat Level" proficiency. And it would require the President to certify those numbers to Congress and the American people. The formula that I have advocated would allow me to make future decisions on troop strength based on actual data and not the Administration's rhetoric.

I was able to attach this language to the Second Iraq Supplemental Funding Bill, but the President refused to sign that bill. And although there were some elements of the final supplemental he signed that were similar to parts of my plan, I will continue to press our Leadership in the House and the President to fully incorporate my plan into future legislation.

As for the latest Iraq spending bill, I want you to know that I voted "NO" on because it represented simply another blank check to the Administration and allowed for no meaningful oversight or accountability on how this war is being conducted. Although I have a strong and consistent record of voting in good faith to support fighting terrorism abroad, and although I have given the President the benefit of the doubt many times in the past, this war has become a disaster of epic proportions that I can no longer simply vote YES on unless we can force the President to improve the situation and allow Congress to play our oversight role.

I believe American servicemembers and their families deserve more than simply thoughtlessly throwing more money into a broken war strategy that is costing us the lives of so many young men and women.

Thank you again for writing my office on this difficult issue. I carefully review the letters I get on this topic and the feedback I've obtained from you, from my travels to Iraq, from conversations with top commanders and from Long Island service members and their families have been extremely helpful to me.

Thank you again for contacting me.  Please do not hesitate to do so again on any matter of concern.  You can also visit my website (www.house.gov/israel      ) to learn more about the issues important to you.

Sincerely,

STEVE ISRAEL
Member of Congress

P.S.  Due to the high volume of correspondence I receive, I am unable to process direct replies to this e-mail.  To send follow-up comments or future inquires, please fill out and submit the contact form on my website (www.house.gov/israel.     ).  I look forward to hearing from you.


I was admittedly disgusted with Congressman's Israel's non-responsive reply, I wrote back the same day, July 5, 2007, to Congressman Israel, the following:


I have received today, July 5, your letter by e-mail that presumably is sent in response to my letter emailed to you yesterday on the Fourth of July.  Your July 5th letter, however, is largely a repetition, at times word for word, of your letter of June 25, 2007, which in turn was a purported belated response to an earlier February 17, 2007 letter of mine.  It was to the June 25th letter of yours that I responded in my Fourth of July letter to you. 

As a result of your July 5th letter basically repeating your June 25th letter, you make no effort at all -- none -- to address the points that I made in my Fourth of July letter to you.   Your failure to address what I stated in my Fourth of July letter to you completely discredits what is in your July 5th letter.  

I don’t think that you can rationally defend what you state in your June 25th and July 5th letters, but what you have done is to demonstrate that you are not responding to a constituent, but rather sending out a form letter in order to give the appearance of a response.  I think that your sending out a form letter in this situation is wholly inappropriate.  Your June 25th and July 5th letters assert positions that are indefensibly wrong and for which I condemn you: you are being disloyal to our troops in harm’s way -- which includes my son who is a U.S. Army First Lieutenant serving as a platoon leader in Iraq -- and you are seeking to undercut the gifted General David Petraeus in Iraq without the slightest consideration of what would be the consequences of the defeat you obviously seek for this nation in Iraq.  Your June 25th and July 5th letters also reflect that you are no supporter of the military and are insulting to my family.  A substantive reply from you was in order.  But you don’t give one, and I think it is because you don’t have any real answers to what I write.    

Your failure  to address what I stated in my Fourth of July letter to you confirms that you are irresponsible politician whose actions are recklessly undermining our military’s efforts in Iraq in order perversely and stupidly to impose defeat upon the nation for perceived partisan advantage.  How more disgusting can anyone get?

- Philip A. Byler


Congressman Israel did not reply further and in a sense he had never replied to me.  What he had done was to give an appearance of responding, while not in substance genuinely responding to a constituent -- never mind that the constituent had a son in the Iraq War and never mind that the constituent had mounted an intellectually cogent defense of that war and deconstruction of the arguments made by opponents to it. 

While I do not believe that there is a reasoned response that can be made to the points that I made in my letters of July 4 and 5, 2007, to Congressman Israel, a part of me says that a man or woman of substance in Congressman Israel's office would have at least acknowledged our disagreements frankly and argued for his positions in a way more responsive to my points.  I may, however, be too harsh in having that feeling.  Liberal Democrats like Steve Israel have a problem that is intellectual and perhaps also moral in nature: they are stuck in an anti-Vietnam War mentality, and through that prism they see the Iraq War.  It is a serious problem.  As this country deals with the challenges that the radical Islamic jihadists continue to pose to us, being stuck in the past is dangerous.  Just as fighting a past war can needlessly doom you in the present, so can opposing a past war needlessly doom you in the present.        

 
-  Philip A. Byler
 

 



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